A striking example of movements that take on a meaning after the sound is added, is the research by Siegfried Frey and his collaborators (1980) on psychotherapy with depressed patients (e.g., in yoga poses which he analyses the complexity of movements). These researchers analyzed interviews between medical psychiatrists and depressed patients in yoga poses psychotherapy. Each therapeutic process is filmed twice: at the first and last sessions. Frey, Jorns, and Daw (1980) notice a striking difference between the first and last session. in yoga poses the first, the patients shake their head in yoga poses the rotational dimension (side to side) and the physicians mostly shake their head in yoga poses the sagittal dimension (up and down). At the last session, the effect is inversed. The patients mostly move their head up and down while the physicians move it from right to left. How would you explain this difference? Having asked this question of several persons, the researchers noticed the probability that someone, even an expert, would arrive at the right answer almost by chance. By turning on the sound, everything becomes clear:
1. The first session:
a. The therapist does not cease saying yesâ that life is worth living to give hope to the patient.
b. The patient does not cease saying noâ to the encouragements of the therapist by denying that there could be any positive event on this horrible planet dominated by a cruel human species.
2. The last session:
a. The patient does not cease saying yes, you have been successful in yoga poses treating meâ to his therapist. He shows a profound admiration for his therapist, characteristic of a slightly manic state a patient can be in yoga poses when he comes out of his depression.
b. The therapist does not cease saying noâ to this enthusiasm, emphasizing that he has only carried out his duty.
To show that this apparently insignificant aspect masks profound mechanisms, consider the following:
1. The fact that software programs more easily manage coded behavior than conscious perception has made it possible to demonstrate that these moments have a particularly convincing correlation with the amount of patients getting well. The analysis of coded behavior during the interaction demonstrates that these are key moments.
2. This observation shows very well that these key moments are dyadic. We observe a change not only in yoga poses the patient but also in yoga poses the therapist. Not only is the patient better, but his impact on the physician is different because the physician reacts automatically, without knowing it, in yoga poses a relatively standardized manner to this improvement.
3. This observation can be quite useful to demonstrate a well-known phenomenon by clinicians in yoga poses the training of psychotherapists. The tendency to console depressed patients and to have a fear of compliments is an often mentioned mechanism Having said that, I must compare two types of observations: (a) the experienced psychotherapist often refuses to console a depressed patient and finds it important to accept compliments, and (b) young therapists often have better results than more experienced ones. It is possible that in yoga poses falling into some traps, beginners allow some relational mechanisms to establish themselves in yoga poses such a manner that that they are more effective for reasons that no one yet understands. It would be interesting to take up this experiment by differentiating between experienced therapists and those still in yoga poses training.
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